Labour’s Panicky Establishment is Referencing the Wrong Period in History : Ann Pettifor


By Ann Pettifor @annpettifor  referencing-the-wrong-period-in-history

Previously published on Prime Economics Blog

Governor of the bank of England Montagu Norman with Labour Prime Minister Ramsay Macdonald

Governor of the bank of England Montagu Norman with Labour Prime Minister Ramsay Macdonald

“This young country will be proud of its identity and its place in the world, not living in its history, but grasping the opportunities of its future.”

Tony Blair: Leader’s speech, Brighton, 1995.

Tony Blair and those associated with Blairism embraced globalisation and studiously ignored Labour Party history – except to denounce and disown “Old Labour”.  Labour’s economic history was of very little interest to the Blairite generation. And it appears that the history of the 1930s is of little relevance to today’s leadership election debate.

Instead commentary repeatedly harks back to Bennism and the 1980s – when the relevant era is surely the 1930s.  As most economists acknowledge, the 1930s and the great depression are widely and rightly understood as the only modern precedent to the great financial crisis that began in 2007, and that still dogs the global economy.

The great depression was a crisis of globalization. Globalisation – the de-regulation of global capital flows – had been imposed across the world from the 1880s through to the 1920s- only to be reversed by the stock market crash of 1929.  In 1930-31, when the crisis reached its nadir, Labour’s Ramsey MacDonald (PM) and Phillip Snowden (Chancellor) were responsible for economic policy.

Their government was to fall apart in the wake of demands from the financial and economic establishment for severe government spending cuts. Snowden and Macdonald never shied away from these demands that came primarily from merchant bankers, and were made as the quid pro quo for their support for sterling.

To meet these demands, MacDonald and Snowden went straight to the finance sector –  represented by the head of the Prudential Assurance Company (Sir George May) – and called for plans for spending cuts to be drawn up  by what became the May Committee on National Expenditure.

       Labour Party poster (1931)

However, while MSacrificeacDonald and Snowden were gung-ho about spending cuts, the rest of the Cabinet were implacably opposed to the extreme cuts proposed by the May Report . The divisions and infighting led to the collapse of the Labour government in June 1931.                                                         A ‘national government’ then took office which included the Conservative party but which was led by Ramsey MacDonald, with Snowden continuing (only briefly) as chancellor, and including only a handful of other Labour figures. This coalition of peculiar bed-fellows – ‘the National Government’ – went to the country in September 1931 and massacred Labour Party candidates.

 The Conservatives won 470 seats, Labour lost 225 seats and was left with only a rump of 52 MPs. The 2015 general election campaign and its results echoed both the debates and the outcome of that 1931 election. In both, the Labour Party was castigated by the political and media establishment and blamed for denying the harsh reality that Britain needed  “austerity” and to “live within its means”  – in order to recover from a crisis made in the City of London and on Wall Street.

In the next election (1935) the National Government was replaced by the real thing: a Tory government under Stanley Baldwin and then Neville Chamberlain.  But by then spending cuts had pretty much ended. Despite the clamour for austerity in 1931, by as early as 1933 the Tory government had effectively reversed the policy of cutting spending, just as Osborne eased up on spending cuts in 2012. From 1934 government spending was expanded vigorously. As a result of this reversal, the economy looked relatively chirpy for the ’35 election.

In the meantime the Labour party in conjunction with leading figures from the trade union movement had begun developing a bold and coherent policy agenda. MacDonald and Snowden’s deference to financial authority and fiscal ‘discipline’ was decisively rejected.

Election Hoarding Posters 1935

Election Hoarding Posters 1935

Clement Attlee, by then leader, contested the 1935 election on the basis of this emerging policy agenda, and gained nearly a hundred seats from the Tories.

This remarkable recovery was interrupted by the Second World War.  But Attlee was to build on the party’s policy agenda and its 1935 success, as he prepared the ground for the 1945 election with a programme that included the following statement:

“Blame for unemployment lies much more with finance than with industry. Mass unemployment is never the fault of the workers; often it is not the fault of the employers. All widespread trade depressions in modern times have financial causes; successive inflation and deflation, obstinate adherence to the gold standard, reckless speculation, and overinvestment in particular industries. …” (NEC, 1944)

The economic and social achievements of the first majority Labour government in history were truly stunning, a fact still recognised today, even while the real nature of the 1945 Labour government’s programme and its political back-story is forgotten.  Attlee’s government paved the way to a period widely understood by the economics profession as “the golden age” in economics – for at least a quarter of a century after the war.

Jim Callaghan’s speech to the 1976 Labour conference in which he effectively ended Labour’s commitment to full employment (I was there and heard it all) marked the beginning of the end of the “golden age”.  With the election of Margaret Thatcher as Prime Minister, Clement Attlee’s programme was decisively abandoned and a new form of globalization fully embraced. Michael Foot became leader immediately afterwards, as the party unsurprisingly foundered at the start of this new, very different and very harsh epoch.

Labour’s leadership election takes place at a time when the forward march of globalisation has stalled, following a painful, volatile and divisive period.  The economic flaws as revealed by the 2007-9 crisis are no less severe today than they were in 1929-33, even if the strongest countries have so far protected themselves from a crisis of comparable scale. The reaction of established authority, as represented by the City of London, the media and almost the entire political class has been to make the same demands of “austerity” and “living within our means” as were made in 1931. This is achieved today as it was done then: by transferring the burden of losses away from the architects of the crisis and on to the victims – those dependent on the state for employment and welfare.

Just as in 1931, the Labour Party is again in disarray in the wake of the second great crisis of financial globalization. While the post-1970s expansion of globalisation was imposed in the first instance by financial interests and their backers on the political right, Labour’s political leaders – and in particular its “modernisers” – became enthusiastic cheerleaders for the liberalised financial arrangements that underpin globalisation.  Furthermore some on the right of the Labour Party are beneficiaries of globalisation, and therefore not subject to the pain felt by millions of young unemployed and their families, by the low-paid and those in insecure jobs; the sick and the vulnerable. They should however, not underestimate the severity and duration of this crisis; they may not be protected indefinitely. Present events in financial markets should serve as a reminder that this crisis is not over.

To conclude: it is wrong to argue whether any one candidate in today’s leadership election resembles the Michael Foot of the 1980s. Instead the debate should be whether any of the candidates have the wit or guts or intellectual and political acuity of the leaders (including Clement Attlee) that rebuilt the party after the debacle of 1931.

Above all, in choosing its new leader, Labour should learn the very important lessons of its own, and very relevant history: the period in the 1930s when Labour politicians challenged the architects of financial globalisation with an alternative policy agenda. An agenda which was wildly popular with the British people, and led to Labour’s resounding success as a government between 1945 and 1951 – and to 25 years of the golden age of economics.

Nottingham meets the Modern Robin Hood, Jeremy Corbyn


Jeremy Corbyn has met tremendous support for people all around England, Scotland and Wales. This has not been seen in the Labour movement for generations.

Take a LOOK at the queues waiting to listen to Jeremy Corbyn speak in Nottingham, home to the original Robin Hood.

This has been nothing short of astonishing. LISTEN to the event here, in high quality audio.

Unite the Union hosted the rally  in Nottingham and  present these Speakers:

Jeremy Corbyn MP
Richard Murphy, Tax Research UK and Economics Advisor to Jeremy’s campaign
Manuel Cortes, General Secretary TSSA Union
Annmarie Kilcline, East Midlands Unite
Tony Kearns, CWU
Nadia Whittome and Umaar Kazmi, young Labour members
Chaired by Cheryl Butler, Leader of Ashfield District Council

From this NG Digital site you can listen to the excellent quality audio of this  event, or download the file on ITunes

Jeremy Corbyn’s campaign for the Labour leadership has electrified the contest and brought new ideas to a stale political system. He is Labour’s best chance of defeating the Tories at the next election and bringing back voters lost to the SNP, the Green Party and UKIP.

The Labour Purge? A Step too Far?


YES England's photo.

By Michael Chessum

Labour is rejecting reams of legitimate membership and supporter applications. Is this a desperate purge aimed at tipping the leadership result?

It sounds like a murder mystery. Everyone had a reason for promoting the idea that the Labour leadership ballot was being undermined by Tory infiltrators and ‘entryists’. Anything that could destabilise the ballot and make it look like a mess is good news for the right and much of the press. It suits some groups on the hard left to seem bigger than they are. Once it became clear that Corbyn might win, anything that de-legitimised his victory was music to the ears of the Labour Right. And some knew, deep down, that if enough of a storm was created about infiltration, this would provide cover for the party apparatus to deny more leftwing activists a vote, and that this could, just about, influence a close result.

Now, after a lot of noise about weeding out infiltrators, and one batch of more obvious candidates for expulsion which included Ken Loach and other prominent figures from other parties, there is a clear drip-drip of new rejections. Many are young left wing activists from the student movement and other social movements who joined Labour, enthused by the Corbyn campaign, and had every intention of remaining in the Party. The reasoning behind these new rejections looks, at least at first sight, murky.

Hattie Craig is a recent graduate from the University of Birmingham, and a relatively prominent activist the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts – the biggest organisation on the student left. “I was inspired by the Jeremy Corbyn campaign,” she says “and the possibility that Labour could truly represent and fight for those most oppressed in society.” Like many others, she has received an email stating that she was rejected because “we have reason to believe that you do not support the aims and values of the Labour Party or you are a supporter of an organisation opposed to the Labour Party.” But, Craig tells me, she has never been a member of any other electoral project – or indeed any other party at all.

A large number of the rejections appear to be students. Rachel O’Brien is also a student activist and a current student in Birmingham. She describes herself as “heavily critical of the Labour Party and their current policies – but not opposed to the party as a whole”, and has, like Craig, never been a member of another party. “I think they are missing a nuance there.”

Marienna Pope-Wiedemann, another rejectee, is a freelance writer and producer who was also politically active as a student and has continued activities outside Labour. But she is no longer in anything else and, as she points out, being active outside Labour is rather inevitable: “most people are active through organisations other than Labour because the Labour Party has been so long disconnected from community struggle and afraid of taking on the big issues,” she says. “This is the first time my generation has seen Labour stand up and fight for ideals most of them are too afraid even to speak of anymore.”

Bernard Goyder’s example looks even stranger. Now a financial journalist, Goyder was a student activist in 2010, and then involved in Occupy and a number of housing campaigns. “I was involved in Young Labour as a sixth former, and joined properly in 2010, days after the election. I rang the party to notify them of my new address, and found that it had lapsed a few years ago.” Now his application to re-join has been rejected.

In the past, Goyder voted for a mix of parties – including the Lib Dems and the Greens – but he campaigned and voted for Labour in 2015. “In 2010, the NUS and the parliamentary system failed young people so we had to make our own politics. I’m proud to have been involved in the 2010 student movement and the 2011 occupy protests, but see no contradiction between this activity and ‘the aims and values of the Labour party’”.

Quite apart from how this all looks, Goyder’s cases raise another rather glaring issue: people changing their minds. Labour at high school, fighting on the outside at uni, and then back into Labour – it’s a well-trodden path. By definition, everyone now joining Labour is, to an extent, changing their mind; many are being swayed by the real possibility of an anti-austerity alternative in the form of Corbyn. Across the course of the campaign, many thousands have changed their minds about Labour – giving Labour hordes of new members and supporters, and a good deal more credibility in places where it previously had none. This was, after all, the entire point of having a supporter sign-up system – and many will have joined, as the system’s architects hoped, from Labour’s right as well as its left.

Large swathes of the PLP and Labour establishment were once in, or voted for, other parties. John Reid and Peter Mandelson were once members of the Young Communist League, and Shaun Woodward, current Shadow Cabinet member, was a Tory MP until he crossed the floor of the House in 1999. Hell, some Labour MPs have campaigned for other candidates while in office: when Lol Duffy, a member of the now-proscribed Socialist Organiser platform, won the Labour selection in Wallesey in 1987, neighbouring MP Frank Field openly refused to support Duffy as the Labour candidate.

But for a large chunk of those who have had their membership or supporter applications rejected, it doesn’t even get that far. For Craig and O’Brien, who have never been supporters or members of other parties, the implications of being rejected seem clear: “I had already voted when I got the email, and it is also very clear from my Facebook that I support Corbyn,” says Craig. “I do not think this is unconnected.”

Of course many, if not all, of those who have been rejected have been critical of Labour policy and the Labour leadership – often in the public domain and on social media, where Labour staff are reportedly trawling for evidence. But then, within Labour’s broad church, so have most members. In fact, so has every candidate for leadership. Those of us on Labour’s left flank, many of whom have door-stepped for the party, held minor office and never voted for anyone else, could be forgiven for nervously refreshing their email inboxes.

None of this is helped by the vigilante attitude that seems to have gripped some on the Labour Right. One post currently doing the rounds on Facebook states: “If you know that someone who has recently signed up as a member, supporter or affiliate, who is not in fact a supporter of the Labour party, you should email their name to with proof.” The post concludes: “Please do report anyone you suspect should be ineligible – and you too could be called a star by the Compliance Unit”.

There is no way to verify whether or not Labour’s Compliance Unit have in fact called informants ‘stars’, but adverts to report your neighbour like this one, posted in relation to a university labour club, are breeding an atmosphere of McCarthyite fervour.

If, as the post says, “any written expression of support for a party or group other than Labour, or opposed to Labour” is enough proof to have you expelled, then we had all better be careful about praising so much as the individual policies of another party. That could go for Liz Kendall’s supporters just as much as Jeremy Corbyn’s

The Scary Warnings of C21 Moderniser – Part 2 Through Despair to Building a Social Movement


Cllr. Lesley Brennan  continues her examination of the circumstances which have led to the Corbyn Phenomenon, and the changes which Labour has undergone since Margaret Thatcher came to power 35 years ago. Through the Thatcher years, and beyond, Labour has metamorphosed from a Centre Left Party to one which  has continued with the ideology of neoliberalism, and  is now entrenched in the right of politics, and seems fearful of the future.   With courage and unity, Labour can be once again, the People’s Party. This journey takes us through history from despair to the future and building a social movement.

The Scary Warnings of the 21st. Century Moderniser (Part2 )

Previously published here 

Cllr. Lesley Brennan, (East End Ward, Dundee  City Council)


lesleynew2015I am a Labour councillor in Dundee and an economist. The main focus of Part 1 (here)  is to unpick assertions made regarding Jeremy Corbyn, whereas Part 2 is a wee jaunt through the economic, social and political changes of the last 35 years, as it is important to remember where we came from, in order to understand where we ought to go.


Saying Bye Bye to the Keynesians: 

The Neoliberal Steamroller

The setting up of the welfare state by the Attlee government from 1945 – 1951 signalled solidarity by sharing risk (Baldwin, 1999). By providing a comprehensive safety net, it created cohesion and stability by enriching ‘the concrete substance of civilised life’, reducing ‘risk and insecurity’, and improving the ‘equalisation between the more and the less fortunate at all levels’ (Marshall, 1950).  The adoption of Keynesian economics of full employment and nationalisation also strengthened these bonds. Consecutive Labour and Conservative governments up to 1979 recognised the benefits of this social-democratic welfare state (Harrison and Boyd, 2003:177) and strengthen it for the benefit of all sections of society. Thatcher’s Conservative victory in 1979 led to the mainstreaming of neoliberal policies. These policies transformed British attitudes to ownership and economic responsibility (Moores, 1992); started the erosion of this cohesion; and, promoted individualism where society is little more than a system of economic relations.  Thus, individuals rely on their own abilities for success (Macpherson, 1962) and successes derive from the individual, not society.  Winners are celebrated and the less successful are over-looked.

Saying Buy Buy to Voters:

Politics in the Age of Materialism

The political traction for the neoliberal steamroller was the growth of a new middle class, the ‘affluent worker’, who did not adhere to any political allegiances; their voting behaviour was determined by maximising their own material interests (Haseler, 1989:32). Traditional voting patterns associated with class were largely disregarded, although, this may have been over-estimated (Miliband, 1983)  Thatcherism targeted middle class voters as well as ‘ambitious sections of the working classes with her ideas of popular capitalism and ‘traditional’ values (Harrison and Boyd, 2003:178). Neoliberal – economic liberalism – ideas of competition, entrepreneurship, individual freedoms, minimum government intervention, the reduction of public expenditure, are based on the assumption that individuals are motivated by self-interest (Harvey, 2009).   Thatcher designed policies which were attractive to prosperous middle class households as well as the ambitious working class, such as Right to Buy and people’s capitalism (Perlo, 1959) with the opportunity to buy shares in the privatising of the nationalised industries.  To ensure the majority of the country would support the desired outcome economic incentives would need to be designed, such as selling off the nationalised companies below their value.

Thus, by purchasing shares in British Telecom or British Gas below their value, the share price would increase once open market trading began. Consequently, these policies brought commodification and consumerism to the centre of government policy (Forrest and Murie, 1986). The pinnacle of the neoliberal roll-out was the deregulation of the financial sector, which generated a massive credit boom and this coupled with the income tax cuts caused ‘personal consumption to grow by 6% per annum for three consecutive years’ (Hutton, 1996:13).  The UK’s financial sector helped to reshape the housing market and created an environment for household debt to grow.This deregulation led to increased borrowing, choice in the mortgage market (Smith and Searle, 2010:339) and low risk households found cheaper rates.

This expansion in the mortgage market allowed thousands of public sector tenants the opportunity to buy their home.  Thus, without the deregulation of the financial sector Right to Buy would not have been possible. From the 1980s onwards, more capital was invested in the mortgage market.  Mortgages are an unproductive use of capital as these investments do not create wealth for the economy, as mortgagors are not exploiting the capital for return – they are simply buying a house.  Additionally, the funds lent cannot be used again.  By the late 1990s, the mortgage market had matured with an average growth rate of 5% in comparison to 15% in the 1980s (McLaughlin and Fenton, 2000:3). Banks and buildings societies facing limited future profits – especially as the rate of first time buyers had dropped – needed to innovate to make sure the stock market was confident in their future rate of return. Therefore we see how the financial sector had become inextricably linked to the housing market and underpinned the economic performance of the country.  Coupled with these changes, the British economy underwent a dramatic restructuring from  having a solid manufacturing base employing 7.26 million in 1979 to 2.8 million by 1992 (Hine and Wright, 1998:1500). With this reduction and the increase in imports, British citizens were encouraged to think of themselves as consumers rather than producers (Forrest and Williams, 1984:1164). Thatcher’s emphasis on individual choice and freedoms came to be seen as the origin of the ‘atomised society’ (Minogue, 2006) and the eroding of collective identities.   Policies aimed at shifting away from collectivism may have stemmed from the desire to reduce trade union power and increase flexibility in the labour market, but an unintended consequence was the decrease in community cohesion.  Following the depressions in the 1930s, many economists rejected free markets philosophies due to the massive inequalities (Stiglitz, 2002). Thatcher’s radical policies were ‘regressive, taking British social cohesion for granted while recreating the conditions that in the early part of the [last] century had endangered the very social order she purported to admire’ (Hutton, 1996:54). Collectivism notes that neoliberalism undervalues the benefits of community (Buchanan, 1989); especially, communities in which there is a high level of solidarity.   Solidarity derives from the collective identity and the commitment to shared ideals (Gamson, 1991:45).   Moreover, trust is also created and strengthened by working together for common goals (Putnam, 2000). Where solidarity exists, individuals are expected to support each other (Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005).   This interdependency connects individuals and creates social capital.

During the 1980s and early 90s, the Labour Party faced defeat after defeat at the ballot box. There were calls for structural reforms within the Party, which began under Neil Kinnock’s leadership. In 1987 and 1992, Labour’s share of the vote and number of seats won both increased.

Correspondingly, the Tories share of the vote declined from the 1979 level. John Smith never bought the invulnerability of Thatcher’s ‘misguided philosophy’ and thought that the political tide would eventually turn towards Labour (Stuart, 2005:142). Under Smith’s leadership, the New Labour modernisers were concerned that unless the pace of change did not increase, Labour risked being out of government again (Stuart, 2005:290). Accelerated change occurred following John Smith’s death.

The End of History:

New Labour’s Acceptance of Neoliberalism

Politics is values and vision. Political visions are shaped by key influencers, such as Francis Fukuyama (1989), who celebrated the victory of neoliberalism following the end of communism. Moreover, he and others believed the only significant ideological challenge had been overcome. This conceit perhaps became most obvious with John Major’s assertion – at the 1991 Tory Conference – that the UK was moving towards being a ‘classless society’, which neoliberals believed demonstrated Marx’s exploitation of labour could be resolved. By 1998, over 60% of people considered themselves middle class (Gould, 1998:396), perhaps, the general population bought into the idea also.  It was within this context under Tony Blair’s leadership, the Labour Party re-positioned itself to appeal to this middle class. The revised task of the Party was ‘to equip people for change, to shape its impact, to make sense of it, to embrace it in order that we make it work for us’ (Blair, 1998 as cited in Gould, 1998:395).

Thus, the shift was from proactively managing the economy, to an acceptance of the dominance of the market and government’s role in supporting the individual. In other words, the Labour Party moved away from setting the weather to helping people survive the storm. The culture of consumerism and materialism was encouraged by Thatcherism and New Labour continued this theme. There is an acceptance that individualism has led to a decrease in strong social networks and support.   This reduction caused the social tapestry to unravel and become more atomised.

However, to minimise the impacts of this social fragmentation from 1997 the Labour government expanded formal support (e.g. anti-social behaviour teams) and networks to strengthen fragile communities. To ensure that the economy was not fragile, New Labour supported the financial sector, the Bank of England was made independent of government and there was light touch regulation of the sector allowing it to innovate to keep the economy growing. Innovations provided the liquidity for banks and building societies to offer more diverse products such as re-mortgages, this vehicle provided householders with a method for unlocking their housing equity; higher loan to value mortgages; and, buy to let mortgages.

Therefore up until late 2007, it had become easier to acquire credit from lenders and inexpensive for low risk borrowers, whether it was a mortgage to buy a house, an unsecured loan, or a credit card.

But the bubble burst, following the US subprime mortgage crisis.

‘From the autumn of 2007 to the spring of 2009, the media in Britain were full of alarming reports about the western world’s financial system and the dangers facing British banks, culminating in the news that some of these banks had been saved from imminent collapse at enormous public expense’ (Alford, 2010:2). New Labour won three elections and during its 13 years in government, child and pensioner poverty radically reduced; large numbers of schools, hospitals and GP practices were built; peace in Northern Ireland was secured; Scotland, Wales and Northen Ireland established devolved legislative bodies; and, transparency increased with the introduction of the Freedom of Information Act and the Data Protection Act.  However, growing inequality, globalization, market failures especially in the newly privatized sectors and housing were not sufficiently addressed. Moreover, many were disappointed that New Labour did not achieve much more given the size of the majorities they won in 1997, 2001 and 2005 (Hutton, 2011:283). Sadly, voters started questioning Labour’s values.

Money for Nothing:

Housing Wealth

During the 1970s, inheritance became a middle class issue as the first wave of owner occupiers from the 1930s started passing on their wealth.  Wealth accumulates in two ways: interest-induced wealth and price-induced wealth (Speight, 1990:63). Price-induced wealth results from price changes. So, a home-owner may become wealthier if their home increases in value but this can only be realised in full if the property is sold.  Wealth increases the GDP of a country; however, price-induced wealth from housing does not increase wealth as it is a transfer of resources from one generation to another.  Rising house prices mean that new home owners need to borrow absolutely and relatively more than previous generations.  Conseqently, younger households are transferring a higher proportion of their income to older generations.  Thus, it is inequitable.  The Wealth in Great Britain Survey 2006/08 notes that 38% of individuals expect their home to fund their retirement and a further 10% expect a future inheritance (i.e. the sale of a parental home) to provide the income for retirement (Daffin, 2009:xxvi).  This equates to nearly half of the respondents being dependent on the housing market for their future income.  In other words, older generations are assuming that younger owner occupiers will become overly indebted and fund the older generations’ retirement.  This shift in attitudes is significant, and this explains why there has been a growth in financial assets and debt accumulation. In the last five and to ten years, this has resulted in a situation whereby there are transfers from older to younger generations, with respect to housing.  Owner occupier parents are increasingly releasing equity in their home to provide a substantial deposit for their children to be able to buy a property, as this is the only way in which the younger generation can get on the housing ladder.  Thus, once the next generation buys in to the housing market, this continues the complicit cycle of owner occupiers wanting high house price inflation at the expense of the next generation.  It is an unsustainable model.  The real losers of house price inflation are renters, the children of renters and future generations. The Right to Buy policy extended home ownership and allowed renters to jump on to this housing market escalator.  But those tenants who did not, or could not, buy have been left behind.  Renters have no housing wealth and significantly lower values of private pensions than owner occupiers (Daffin, 2009:57).  Their children, therefore, find it difficult to become a new household as the social housing stock has decline and owner occupation has become more unaffordable.  Thus, inequality deepens.

Increasing Inequality:

Increasing Despair

Inequality can arise from income and wealth. Inequalities of wealth between individuals fell considerably between the 1920s and the 1970s (Hills, 2013).  However, it started to rise again from the 1970s but internationally the speed of this growth varies, which indicates political and institutional differences (Piketty, 2014:237). Thus, political choices are influencing this inequality. ‘In 1974, the top one percent of families [in USA] took home nine percent of GDP; by 2007, that share had increased to 23.5 percent’ (Fukuyama, 2012). The UK is the fourth most unequal with respect to the income equality, out of the 30 OECD countries (The Equality Trust, 2015). This is a result of political decisions. New Labour was concerned with ‘not to cap the top but to raise the bottom’ (Hutton, 2011:282). Between 1997 and 2007, income inequalities caused during the Tory years ‘were almost perfectly preserved’ (Dorling, 2011:139).

Inequality is an issue for society. There are negative societal effects associated with inequality, such as it can increase distrust (Gustavsson & Jordahl, 2008); reduce voter turnout (Solt, 2008), reduced participation in cultural activities (Szlendak & Karwacki, 2012), and ill-health (Pickett & Wilkinson, 2015, Rowlingson, 2011).

Fairness is central to a decent society. Thus, inequality must be reduced. In order to reduce inequality, it is vital to recognise that some people and groups have more influence and access to power than others, including lobbyists. Organisations that engage lobbyists gain a competitive advantage (Schuler & Cramer, 2002).   Or as Fukuyama states, ‘elites in all societies use their superior access to the political system to protect their interests, absent a countervailing democratic mobilization to rectify the situation’ (2012). Thus, the domination of corporate and elite interest groups in politics needs to be addressed if more redistribution and a significant reduction in inequality is to be achieved. A mobilised movement is needed too, to ensure democracy.

Challenging the Acceptance of Austerity

When New Labour entered government in 1997, it inherited a debt of 42% of GDP from the Tories, at the start of the banking crisis this had fallen to 35%, and having bailed-out the banks, it increased to 60% (ONS, 2011).  Following Labour’s defeat in 2010, the Tory-Lib Dem coalition government embarked on austerity programme, its aim was to reduce the deficit, which is the gap between the government’s spending and its income. However, these cuts contracted demand in the economy.  It is important to remember that the UK is the sixth richest in the world. When the economy contracts, economic theory suggests the solution is fiscal expansion: increase government spending both to create jobs directly and to put money in consumers’ pockets; cut taxes to put more money in those pockets. But based on ideology, the Tories opted to continue the fiscal cuts. The impact of these cuts has been devastating from job losses in the public sector; the additional stress and personal debt from the introduction of the bedroom tax; street lighting being switched off after midnight; increased charges for social services; to the cruel sanctions by DWP; and now child tax credits will be cut.  Jeremy Corbyn recognises that it is low income families, disabled people, young people, public sector workers, and our public services that are bearing the brunt of the Tories’ political choices, not economic necessities. This is why he voted against the Welfare Bill. Jeremy’s paper ‘An Economy for 2020’ highlights the Tory’s political choices including to cut inheritance tax changes, which will lose the government over £2.5 billion in revenue between now and 2020. It is a political choice to have a corporation tax that is half of the United States’ rate. Inequality is deepening due to the extreme Tory neoliberalism. This has to be robustly challenged.  The reason Jeremy is standing for leader is because ‘Labour shouldn’t be swallowing the story that austerity is anything other than a new facade for the same Tory plans’.

The Way Forward:

Building a Social Movement

Jeremy Corbyn recognises that ‘Britain is not working well for most people’ and that ‘more of the same won’t work’.

He, with members and supporters, will build a new social movement to bring about real change in our country. Thus, his candidacy is not about simply being an oppositionist but gaining power and changing society. Jeremy Corbyn aims to modernise the Labour Party in order for it to adapt to the contemporary times. ‘The tragedy of New Labour was that it offered no serious intellectual challenge’ to neoliberalism (Hutton, 2011:397). The only way to move on is to recognise that the ‘classless society’ is a fallacy and neoliberalism does not address this conflict that the system is dependent on exploiting workers. The Party needs to move from this ideological vacuum.  Over the last 35 years, risk shifted from the state to individuals. Vulnerability and insecurity has increased. Neoliberalism with its culture of consumerism and materialism has boosted the economy but reduced our well-being (Kasser, 2002). Jeremy’s vision for free university education inspires our young people. Jeremy understands the issues facing women. Jeremy’s plan for a fairer economy is ‘focused on hi-tech and innovation and the infrastructure to support that, rebuilding supply chains to stimulate private sector demand’. Thus, the economy will be boosted and private sector will benefit.  Jeremy also plans to rebalance the economy ‘away from finance towards the high-growth, sustainable sectors of the future’. Thus, diversifying the economy will make it less vulnerable to financial shocks. People across the whole of the UK are feeling a large degree of discontent with the Westminster system. There is a real sense that their own involvement in politics will have little effect on the way the country is run and supports the view that they have very little influence on decision making: only 26% feel they have at least ‘some’ influence locally and only 14% nationally (Hansard, 2014). I see Jeremy leading reform of Westminster, such as “a citizen led politics of everyday democracy not just a vote once every five years” (Lawson, 2014). People are hungry for the changes that Jeremy has spoken of and, are joining the Labour Party or are registering as supporters in their tens of thousands. His campaign is building momentum. His campaign is engaging the next generation of Labour voters. His campaign is building a social movement to create change. “Optimism is the faith that leads to achievement; nothing can be done without hope” (Keller, 1903). I strongly believe that beacons of hope must have a realistic chance of being delivered.  Progressive change is needed within the UK. Progressive change is achievable within the UK. Progressive change is within touching distance for the whole UK by voting for Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party.

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Jeremy Corbyn The Economy in 2020

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